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OVERPOPULATION & LIBERAL TABOOS
IN THE LANDS OF ENTITLEMENT
You’re damn right there’s an immigration problem in Arizona: far too many white peo­ple have been emigrating there.
If you doubt that, here are the numbers: while the Hispanic population in Arizona in­creased by 856,000 between 1980 and 2006, the white population escalated by 1.2 mil­lion. (Population Brief for the State of Arizona, Western Rural Development Center 2008, p.2).
Yet we don’t hear about Latinos in Arizona strutting around in the dry heat, demanding that the white folks move back where they came from.
Why is that?
The reason is good ole white entitlement—an attitude that has complicated if not con­taminated the touchy subject of overpopulation. I know more about white entitlement than I care to, having grown up in the small town South before the civil rights movement took hold. The year I spent in Mississippi in 1962 is burned into my mind like as if from a branding iron. And even though the right wing is (offcially) no longer racist, sometimes I hear the same tone of self-satisfed superiority and indignant outrage in the voices of
petuate it, is that it is the one attitude that will make resolving this great problem of over­population impossible. If people fear that the call to reduce our numbers is merely a ruse to weaken them in the face of an enemy, their willingness to cooperate will disintegrate.
Unfortunately, Latinos have grounds to fear just such an attitude. Consider, for ex­ample, the recent Arizona statute (Senate Bill 1070) that will inexorably lead to the racial profling of Latinos who are American citizens in order to locate “illegal immigrants.”
But not all entitlement is about racial, ethnic, or cultural prejudice. When it comes to overpopulation, there are diverse layers of entitlement spread out among different groups. Challenging them all is what makes me want to drink twelve Budweisers at the end of the day (and I gave all that up a long time ago).
I would like to explain what’s driving me to get into the turd-laden issue of overpopula­tion. It’s this: in the late 1960s I fell in love with Arizona. The way it was before its devel­opers, business tycoons, and state leaders systematically destroyed it with their culturally sanctioned avarice. It was as though they had tied a Javelina to a stake and scourged it
those who fairly spit out the words “illegal immigrants.”
Within these words lies the assumption that we Ameri­cans have some righteous claim to the lands comprising Arizona and the Southwest, when the facts plainly show that’s bullshit. That attitude does remind me of the white people in Mississippi in 1962, who thought they were entitled to the de facto slave labor of the African Americans living there.
The only, repeat only, reason all that land is within the terri­torial United States is because we stole it at gunpoint from Mexico. Which in turn took it from Spain, which stole it from Native Americans, some of whom stole it from other Na­tive Americans.
It’s quite a daisy chain.
with tendrils of hairline glass, all the while thinking, hey, this is what good people do.
You don’t forget witnessing something like that.
Edward Abbey had a similar experience. In 1959 he rafted through Glen Canyon on “the golden, fowing Colorado Riv­er,” to use his words. Later he worked there as a seasonal park ranger. Ed knew the river and the canyon before Glen Canyon Dam stopped it up like a vast, stinking toilet. He said, “The difference between the present reservoir, with its si­lent sterile shores and debris-choked side canyons, and the original Glen Canyon, is the difference between death and life. Glen Canyon was alive. Lake Powell is a graveyard.” (The Damnation of a Canyon, pp. 1,3).
Ed loved Glen Canyon the way it was.
In the late 1960s Arizona was a shifting, turning mosaic
A brief recounting of how America came to possess the Southwest is instructive. In
1846 President James K. Polk concocted an excuse for invading Mexico in order to grab as much of their land as he could get his hands on. Some members of Congress did have the integrity to question the necessity for war—among them a young, gangling Abraham Lincoln.
of brilliant colors; everywhere there were crystalline expanses of space and light; the out­line of a mountain peak 80 miles away was as clear and sharp as the verdant trunk of a paloverde that you touched with your fngers.
Arizona was: the pervasive beige of the sun-blasted Sonoran Desert outside Tucson, studded with enormous green stalks of Saguaro cacti; the red and gold evening light atop etched black horizons; the state roads heading north, twisting into sharp green blankets of juniper and pinyon pine and red striped sandstone; the rough black lava rocks and the sweet smooth lava cone near Flagstaff, adorned with spare, regal stands of Ponderosa Pine; the burnt-brown edge of the Mojave Desert, stippled with rough-barked Joshua trees, their limbs curving into clusters of spines.
My microbiologist mother frst drove me from Tucson to the Navajo Reservation when I was 18. I had no language of description for the Navajo world; I just called it “the place
You’re damn right
there’s an immigration problem
in Arizona:
far too many white people
have been emigrating there.
we Americans are in no position to wax indignant
about “illegal immigrants” from Mexico
entering the Southwest,
given that we stole that land from them
in the frst place.
But as is true with power-hungry people, Polk would not be stopped. The crushing blow to Mexico was delivered by General Winfeld Scott, who in 1847 invaded the port city of Veracruz and marched toward Mexico City, which he took after six months of brutal fght-ing. Scott himself admitted that his soldiers had “committed atrocities to make Heaven weep and every American of Christian morals blush for his country.” Translation: they slaughtered civilians.
In the end, the United States paid Mexico $27 million for all that land—a farcical sum in order to whitewash its dishonorable aims.
The great Henry David Thoreau spent a night in jail to protest the taxes to support this war, and then went to his cabin to pen his classic essay, “Civil Disobedience,” which championed an individual’s right to oppose an immoral government. Gandhi himself was later inspired by this essay. (See the textbook Out of Many: A History of the American People, by Faragher et al, 2005, pp. 416-419).
In short: we Americans are in no position to wax indignant about “illegal immigrants” from Mexico entering the Southwest, given that we stole that land from them in the frst place.
For the irony-challenged reader: I am NOT talking about giving the land back to Mex­ico. This is about attitude.
with no telephone poles.” It took me a long time to fnd the words for what I discovered there: that once beyond the telephone wires I was in a sacred land, and that these people knew something about the power of the landscape that my own culture had lost.
In 1971 my mother died of heart failure in Holbrook, Arizona, while driving to the sa­cred land.
Now here’s what tripling the population of Arizona in less than a generation did.
In the summer of 2005, as Gail and I few into Sky Harbor Airport in Phoenix, we glided over forty contiguous miles of tract houses; the many thousands of tiny yards and blue dotted swimming pools were packed against each other like cells in a massive tumor. We
The reason I have written frst about racial or ethnic entitlement, whoever may per-